There are diplomats who serve their country, and then there are those who help redefine its place in the world. Ambassador Jalil Abbas Jilani belongs unmistakably to the latter.
His story begins not in the marble corridors of Islamabad but in the quiet village of Khangarh, some 30 kilometers from Muzaffargarh, a land-scape that shaped his humility, grit, and the un-shakable sense of belonging that would later guide him through the most complex corridors of global diplomacy.
…when we were growing up, the inspiration obviously came from our parents, who taught us some very important traits integrity, hard work, and commitment.
Educated first in his hometown and later at Government College Lahore, Ambassador Jilani began as a law graduate before choos-ing the path of public service, a decision that led to an illustrious four-decade career repre-senting Pakistan across the world.
Joining the Foreign Service of Pakistan in 1979, he served in some of the most challeng-ing diplomatic postings, Washington, New Delhi, Brussels, and ultimately rose to become Foreign Secretary and later Foreign Minister during the interim government. His tenure in India coincided with one of the most turbulent phases in bilateral relations.
As Pakistan’s Ambassador to the European Union, he led the landmark negotiations that secured the GSP+ trade concession, a turning point for Pakistan’s export economy. Later, as Ambassador to Washington, he continued to advance Pakistan’s diplomatic and economic interests at the highest levels of global power.
Ambassador Jilani’s career is one of dedication to a nation’s dignity in the international arena and a reminder that the true art of diplomacy lies not in grand gestures but in the patient pursuit of mutual understanding and national pride.
MT:Who has been the inspiring force behind all of this when you were at a young age or during the time you were considering entering the service?
AJA: You know, the point is that you get insp-iration from a lot of people. For instance, when we were growing up, the inspiration obviously came from our parents, who taught us some very important traits integrity, hard work, and commitment. These are the three very import-ant qualities that, I feel, if you have them, the sky’s the limit, irrespective of which back-ground you come from.
And this is something I keep telling my junior colleagues whenever I go to speak at various institutions that the most important factor for any individual, whether you are in the civil services, the private sector, a student, or a media person, is hard work. Co-mmitment is equally important. And integ-rity, I believe, is probably the most essential trait that one can acquire.
MT: what do you think of the current induc-tees in the Foreign Service in terms of their commitment, discipline, and overall quality?
AJA: I think the Foreign Service is still one of those institutions that remains somewhat iso-lated or rather insulated from external press-ures, par-ticularly political ones. We operate in a very differ-ent sphere, with a unique set of res-ponsibilities. For instance, the culture of safa-rish (recommendations or undue influence) is minimal in the Foreign Service.
It’s considered quite demeaning for officers to seek external help for postings, trans-fers, or promotions. That professional ethic is still very much intact.
Similarly, I believe the element of hard work continues to be there. Of course, as in any organization, there are always varying levels of drive and dedication among individuals. When you join the service, you meet people from diverse educational backgrounds — many who hold degrees from prestigious foreign universities.
And then, there are people like us — whose basic education was in village schools, who studied locally throughout our formative years. Initially, it can be intimidating to compete with those who have international exposure. But the real lesson here is that if you possess integrity, work hard, and stay committed to your goals, you can rise just as high — perhaps even higher — than those with privileged academic backgrounds.
MT: With the India-Pakistan escalation in May 2025, which nearly led to war, why do you think diplomacy failed? And was Pakistan prepared for the consequences of its actions?
AJA: That’s a very important question you’ve posed, but I would slightly turn it around. Pakistan, since 1947, has faced numerous challenges. At independence, we were a new country with limited resources — few educational institutions, an under-equipped military, and a fragile economy. Yet, I think we did remarkably well in meeting the challenges before us.
In those early years, our strategic calculations were clear: we needed to build our economy, strengthen our security, and deal with a much larger, stronger neighbor with whom we had an uneasy relationship. So, we made a deliberate, well-thought-out decision to align with the Western alliance. That choice helped Pakistan build its defense and economy. Simultane-ously, we also recognized the need to cultivate strong ties with China. This dual-track diplomacy was a product of clear strategic foresight from our civil and political leadership at the time.
As time went on, we expanded our relationships with Middle Eastern countries, pursued nuclear deterrence after India’s tests, Pakistan, and managed to withstand immense international pressure — particularly from the United States — to abandon our nuclear ambitions. But Pakistan did not budge. We prioritized our national interest, endured sanctions, and emerged as a nuclear power. That decision conveyed to the world that Pakistan would not compromise on its vital national interests.
Take the Kashmir dispute as another example. As a practicing diplomat, I can tell you that Pakistan has faced sustained international pressure to dilute or abandon its position on Kashmir. Yet we’ve stood firm, because that issue lies at the heart of our national interest. So, our consistent focus has been on building a strong economy, maintaining a credible defense, and safeguarding our core national priorities like Kashmir.
When we talk about diplomacy or “failure” in 2025, we must view it within this larger historical and geopolitical context. Pakistan’s foreign policy has always had to navigate immense external pressures, yet, over time, it has displayed remarkable resilience and adaptability.
Look at our relations with the United States: there have been many ups and downs, yet Washington continues to recognize Pakistan’s strategic importance. Our geography, demographics, and military capacity make us pivotal to the region. Just think about it — we share over 900 kilometers of border with China, 1,000 with Iran, 2,700 with Afghanistan, and nearly 3,000 with India. We sit at the crossroads of South, Central, and West Asia — and are closely connected to the Middle East. That makes Pakistan not just regionally, but globally significant.
Our nuclear capability and our enduring, stable relationship with China have further strengthened our standing. While India sought to isolate Pakistan both regionally and globally, the opposite has happened. The West — including the U.S. and Europe — has realized that Pakistan cannot be ignored. With a population of over 240 million, an emerging middle class, and a powerful army, Pakistan is a force to reckon with.
If you look at recent global developments, they actually strengthen our diplomatic position. India’s international image has suffered, largely due to the ideological policies of the Modi government. Leading Western publications — Foreign Affairs, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal — have all written about growing disillusionment with India’s arrogance and its exclusionary politics.
Diplomacy, after all, is not about arrogance, it’s about humility, correctness, and balance. When a country starts treating others as subordinates to its will, it loses respect. We’ve seen this happen in India’s regional relations — whether with Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, or even Bhutan — all of which now carry strong anti-India sentiments.
So, to return to your question — I wouldn’t call it a “failure” of diplomacy. Pakistan, in fact, demonstrated composure, strategic depth, and restraint under extreme circumstances in 2025. What emerged instead was a reaffirmation of Pakistan’s strength, its ability to stand its ground, and its enduring importance in the region and beyond.
MT: Q: Looking at Pakistan’s relations with the Taliban, how should Pakistan engage Kabul on security, trade, and refugee management while protecting its own national interests?
AJA: If you look at the history of Afghanistan, our relationship has oscillated between good phases and bad phases. When the Taliban emerged on the political scene in Afghanistan in 2021, we thought that maybe our western border would become a little more peaceful.
But unfortunately, the activities of TTP emerged as a major concern between Pakistan and Afghanistan. When they formed the Afghanis-tan interim administration/government, Pakistan extended all poss-ible support.
As a matter of fact, Pakistan was one of the few countries which was advocating at the international level for humanitarian assistance to the new govern-ment so that people are able to live comfortably.
What has been the main issue between Pakistan and Afghanistan today, I would turn to the activities of TTP. That has been a constant talking point between us and the Afghanistan government. Initially, the Afghan side did not acknowledge the presence of these elements in Afghanistan. But later they did accept it that they are in Afghanistan. However, they said, “we can’t take any action against them because they had fought with us during the Afghan Jihad.” They said that they would try and restrain them from attacking Pakistan. But no such action was taken by the Afghan side.
I think our position now is that if Afghanistan wants to emerge as a responsible, viable state — economically, politically, militarily and get recognition internationally then it has no option but to resolve these concerns related to terrorism.
MT: How Pakistan can balance relations with China and the U.S. while maintaining strategic autonomy amid global polarization?
AJA: Since 2003, Pakistan’s relationship with China has evolved from a defense-centered alliance into a comprehensive economic partnership, most notably through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). I personally signed the CPEC accord in 2013, and was part of its early negotiations and the agreement marked a major milestone in Pakistan’s development.
The first phase of CPEC successfully addressed several critical national challenges. It focused on large-scale infrastructure projects, roads, ports, and energy, that helped alleviate Pakistan’s chronic electricity shortages, enhanced connectivity, and generated significant employment opportunities. With this foundation in place, the second phase is now moving toward deeper cooperation in technology, agriculture, and further infrastructure development. The vision also includes extending CPEC into Afghanistan and the Central Asian republics once regional stability improves, transforming it into a transcontinental trade and development corridor.
Washington initially welcomed the CPEC initiative, viewing it as a driver of economic growth and regional stability. However, as global competition between the U.S. and China has intensified, CPEC is viewed through a more strategic lens.
Pakistan, however, remains committed to maint-aining neutrality in great-power rivalries. Islamabad’s position is clear: it will not join any bloc politics. Instead, it seeks to preserve and strengthen its enduring partnership with China while simultan-eously nurturing a constructive and mutually benef-icial relationship with the United States.
In recent years, Pakistan’s relations with the U.S. have improved after a period of tension. The dialo-gue has shifted toward positive engagement, part-icularly under leaders who have fostered personal rapport and mutual respect. The U.S. now regards Pakistan not merely through a security prism but increasingly as a potential economic hub. Areas of collaboration include energy, oil and gas exploration, mineral development, counter-terrorism, and even emerging sectors like digital finance and crypto-currency. These expanding ties are seen as mutually advantageous and mark a departure from earlier mistrust.
MT: With shifting Gulf politics and regional rivalries, how should Pakistan redefine its role in the Middle East?
AJA: Pakistan’s relations with the Middle East are entering a renewed and promising phase, shaped by regional transformations, evolving power dynamics, and Pakistan’s growing strategic engagement with Gulf states. It is a very positive moment in Pakistan–Middle Eastern relations, highlighting how the region itself has undergone remarkable change over the past few decades.
Saudi Arabia, in particular, symbolizes this transform-ation. Once a conservative and oil-dependent state, it is now rapidly modernizing under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). The Saudi Arabia of 2025 bears little resemblance to that of the 1980s. Economic diversification, cultural openness, and the empowerment of women, including the rise of Saudi women diplomats, reflect an era of reform and dynamism. These developments have made Saudi Arabia an influential global player, actively building partnerships with the EU, ASEAN, China, the U.S., and Africa.
Pakistan’s own relationship with Saudi Arabia has deepened within this context of mutual evolution. A significant defense agreement between the two countries marks a milestone in their long-standing cooperation. Saudi Arabia’s renewed interest in in-vesting in Pakistan is expected to bring major econo-mic and employment benefits, strengthening Pakistan’s fiscal stability and reinforcing strategic trust. These investments signal not just economic partnership but also recognition of Pakistan’s regional importance.
The recent regional tensions, specifically a conflict with India, unexpectedly enhanced Pakistan’s stand-ing in the Middle East. Pakistan’s strong military response, led by Field Marshal Asim Munir, showcas-ed its defense capabilities against a larger adversary. This demonstration of resolve resonated with Middle Eastern nations facing security concerns of their own, particularly amid the backdrop of Israeli military actions. As a result, Pakistan’s credibility as a capable and resilient military partner has grown substantially in the eyes of Gulf states.
The Pakistan–Saudi defense agreement did not em-erge overnight but represents the culmination of years of trust-building. By formalizing cooperation in defense and security, the agreement institutionalizes an already close strategic bond between the two nations.
Beyond defense, Pakistan’s role in supporting peace initiatives in the Middle East has also earned it res-pect across the region. As the Gulf undergoes energy transitions and labor market shifts, Pakistan’s align-ment with Saudi-led regional modernization, grou-nded in mutual respect and shared strategic goals, positions it as a pivotal partner in the region’s evolv-ing geopolitical landscape.
MT: Why has Pakistan historically and continuously struggled to integrate trade, investment, and economic statecraft into its diplomacy?
Pakistan’s foreign policy must integrate economic development with diplomatic engagement, but true strategic strength lies in merging geopolitics with geo-economics. A successful example of this app-roach was Pakistan’s early role in SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) — a forum originally designed to promote regional ec-onomic integration. SAARC once held immense promise, fostering intra-regional trade and coope-ration by encouraging countries to pool resources and leverage comparative strengths. For instance, Pakistan’s research in climate resilience, crop development, and disease control could have complemented other South Asian nations’ expertise in diverse sectors, unlocking enormous collective potential.
However, SAARC’s progress was derailed, attributing its decline to India’s obstructionism, which I belief sabotaged the spirit of cooperation. This failure de-prived South Asia of the kind of economic inter-dependence that could have transformed the region into a powerful economic bloc.
Turning to more recent successes, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as a model of how Pakistan effectively combined diplomatic strategy with economic vision. As a flagship project under China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), CPEC reflects Pakistan’s ability to use diplomacy as an instrument of economic statecraft. Its completion would deliver transformative economic benefits.
Pakistan’s geostrategic location is central to this vision. We are at the crossroads of South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, the Middle East, Russia, and China, Pakistan naturally serves as a regional connectivity hub. Linking Central Asian republics to South Asian markets through Pakistan’s ports and transit corridors could position the country as a vital economic bridge between regions.
Yet, this vision of regional connectivity faces Afghanistan’s instability as an obstacle. The Afghan leadership is being short-sighted and insular, focused on narrow political goals while neglecting broader development needs. The denial of education for women and the continued sheltering of militant groups, these policies isolate Afghanistan and impede progress for the entire region.
This instability prevents the seamless flow of trade, investment, and people — the essential ingredients for growth. While Pakistan’s diplomatic and economic initiatives like CPEC offer hope, sustained regional prosperity requires collective vision, peace, and inclusivity. Only then can diplomacy and development work hand in hand to unlock South Asia’s vast economic potential.
MT: How do we make Pakistan look more attractive for foreign investors in a post-IMF environment?
AJA: Security, stability, and predictability attract investment. A country perceived as peaceful and consistent will automatically draw both local and foreign investors.
Some of the recent steps taken by the govern-ment, I believe, are in the right direction. The banning of organizations that fuel hatred in our system, specif-ically TLP, is a crucial and timely decision. It signals to the international comm-unity that Pakistan is serious about reform, moderation, and law enforcement.
Another positive development is the regional cooperation emerging around our negotiations with Afghanistan. This time, two very important countries, Turkey and Qatar, are directly invo-lved in discuss-ions with the Afghan side. Pre-viously, our engage-ment used to be purely bilateral, which limited its effectiveness. But now, with these nations playing a facilitative role, especially Qatar, which has long hosted Afghan leadership and financed key sectors, thus there is a greater chance of achieving tangible outcomes.
Once peace on our western border is cons-olidated, and extremist threats are decisively eliminated, Pakistan’s potential as a secure, strategic, and investment-friendly hub will truly unfold, especially in a post-IMF environment where investors will be looking for stability, growth, and long-term opportunity.
MT: And finally, looking ahead to 2030, what kind of foreign policy architecture would you envision for Pakistan, one centered on strategic alliances, economic integration, or regional peace building?
AJA: In the foreign policy domain, we are strength-ening our relationship with China, and the United States of America, and we have a reasonably good relationship with Russia. We also have very strong ties with the Middle Eastern countries.
With Iran we enjoy a relationship of trust. With Europe, we continue to enjoy strong engage-ment. The GSP+ status, which was signed in 2012–2013, has been extended several times, showing the depth and continuity of our re-lations with the European Union. So overall, I think the picture looks quite positive.
We are now reaching out to ASEAN countries more actively, recognizing that this is a region we must prioritize for trade and investment. Strengthening ties here could take our exports to a much higher level, but that requires consistent high-level engag-ement, which I would like to see increase in the coming years.
Africa is another very important frontier for Pakis-tan’s diplomacy. In recent years, we have established new diplomatic missions there, and many African countries have reciprocated by opening embassies in Pakistan. Airlines have also begun direct operations which reflects growing connectivity and confidence.
So, looking toward 2030, I would envision Pakistan’s foreign policy architecture as multi-dimensional, combining strategic alliances with global powers, economic integration through regional partnerships, and an unwavering commitment to regional peace building.
